How to strike down imperial bear?

Author: Fascik from Donetsk

Russia is still in the top five countries in the world most affected by COVID-19 despite the ostentatious fight against the coronovirus disease pandemic, as well as propaganda news about the development of insufficiently tested vaccine «Sputnik V».

Indeed, the pandemic has been overlapped the economic unrest in Russia, as a result, the domestic political situation there is increasingly viliorating to a crisis, and is a direct consequence of 20-years Putin’s political regime. Obviously, that regime was and is still aimed at enriching a certain circle of people and oligarchic clans close to the higher-ups: from a handful of classic magnates to the personal head cook of the president. Needless to say that such a policy damages the national interests of the whole Russian population.

Unfortunately, Russia’s foreign policy is not definitely changing despite the imposed sanctions. The world has witnessed a disrespectful, neo-imperial behavior aimed at the subjugation and further plunder of post-Soviet countries, and according to Moscow’s belief they should be under its control. There have been many examples for the last two decades: from the armed aggression against Georgia or the creation of instability zone in the self-proclaimed Transnistria Republic to the occupation of Crimea and the hybrid war in Donbas…

Will the current covert annexation of Belarus, as well as the undisguised support of the Armenian army in Nagorny Karabakh, be Putin’s last foreign policy adventures if he is not decisively stopped by the civilized international community? The question is rhetorical.

But sanctions are still in force, no matter how loudly they are denied on Russian television. Vladimir Putin calls the sanctions illegitimate to the world, although he acknowledges the losses thereof. However, this position seems very strange: to create situations of instability in the foreign policy, perpatrate acts of armed aggression, violate international law, and afterwards express regret over measures aimed at limiting the unpredictability of the Russian Federation for civilized countries.

Due to economic and social factors, the official and non-systemic opposition inside Russia became more intense, as well as the general revival of protest sentiments among the general population. The protests pose a direct threat to the dictatorial regime, no matter how strong the power blocs are.

With the help of power blocs, the higher-ups of Kremlin began to kick out all influential members of civil society. A blatant poisoning of the opposition politician Alexei Navalny turned out to be such a fact. This outrage took place on the eve of Russia’s regional elections on 20 August 2020. Navalny was taken out of coma and admitted that Putin had beaten him, thus accusing the president of deception and being behind his poisoning.

In long run, the use of the nerve chemical agent (BCW binary chemical weapons) «Novichok» is clearly not the initiative of Siberian fraudsters, but rather a deliberate terrorist act against its own citizen who exposed corruption at the top level of government. BCW «Novichok» has now become a business card of state security services along with Putin who came out of one of them.

In 2015, Bulgarian businessman Emilian Gebrev fell a victim to «Novichok».  In 2018, this substance was involved in the scandalous poisoning of Sergei Skripal, his daughter and bystanders, the British citizens. Fortunately, some of the victims (like Navalny) survived. But there were many cases of cynical killings of Russian oppositionists and businessmen in European countries. Therefore, Navalny’s poisoning clearly indicates that Kremlin is not going to stop the political opponents assaults. It is essential to recall that all these events have been accompanied by constant military exercises of the Russian Federation and its allies, which drill combat trainings including the use of offensive chemical and biological weapons.

Let’s be honest, Russia is not even trying to hide the aggressive and lethal instruments of its policy. Official statements mask trolling and indeed grandstanding. Russia is confident that the international community must patiently observe the tide of events and constantly remain concerned. Unfortunately, impunity spoils the criminal, and disregard for international law leads to its downfall. If we leave crimes without significant countermeasures, it can lead to the impact of the criminal practice of the Russian regime on a broad range of foreign citizens. Including those who set the political and economic policies of their countries.

Without a determined response Russia would launch a more powerful wave of state terrorism. For this purpose, it has a large arsenal of tools: inspiring new hybrid wars, use of violence, cyber attacks and interference into elections in order to destabilize Western countries, primarily the pillars of NATO: Britain, Germany, France and the United States.

At the same time, the intensification of any type of Kremlin’s terrorism, both internal and external, is a demonstration of regime’s weakness. The toxic Putin’s government, intimidating many millions of people or other world countries, shows nothing but fear of losing its own powers or control over self-created areas of instability. The Kremlin’s nervous reactions can be seen both to the mass protests in Far Eastern city of Khabarovsk, which have raged for more than two months, and to the protests in Belarus, where Putin is personally rescuing the «eternal» dictator Lukashenko.

Coalition actions for the international isolation of the aggressor, targeted sanctions, legal measures (including cases in international courts), and other military, political or economic means have already proved to be streamlined tools to counteract the Russian Federation. However, the scope of these actions does not seem to be enough to curb Putin’s regime. Therefore, the world community must develop and implement a number of tough measures to rein in the aggressive intentions of the top of the Russian government. What will they be like? It should be decided in a detailed discussion with representatives of international organizations such as the UN and NATO. The effectiveness of new measures must be guaranteed by their coordination, multi-level approach and commitment. Will the international community have enough consolidation for such a powerful action? This is one of those rhetorical questions. 

P.S.: If you’re tired of fighting for millions of Pushilin and you don’t want to be meat for Russians, write to fashdonetsk@protonmail.com and we’ll think about how to get you out of your ass.

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